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December 16, 2011

 

Iraq War "Ends"--Again, But Not for the Iraqis

by Thomas A. Droleskey

To reject the sweet yoke of the Social Reign of Christ the King is to live under the iron rule of men whose minds are not conformed to the Sacred Deposit of Faith that Our King has entrusted exclusively to His Catholic Church for Its infallible explication and eternal safekeeping.

To reject the sweet yoke of the Social Reign of Christ the King is to live under the iron rule of men whose hearts are not consecrated to the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus through the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary.

To reject the sweet yoke of the Social Reign of Christ the King is to live under the iron rule of men who believe that they can "plan" or "will" "solutions" to domestic and international difficulties, convincing us that they need more and more of our money to do so.

To reject the sweet yoke of the Social Reign of Christ the King is to live under the iron rule of men who wind up having no regard even for the constitutions and just civil laws that they have sworn to uphold (see He Swore to Uphold the Constitution, Not the United Nations).

To reject the sweet yoke of the Social Reign of Christ the King is to live under the iron rule of men who are mad, men who never want to admit that their schemes for prosperity at home and for peace in the world are doomed to miserable failure time after time after time (see All Caesars Go Mad.)

This country has been in one war or another, hot or cold, during most of the sixty years of my life as the military-industrial complex about which President Dwight David Eisenhower warned in his farewell address, delivered on Tuesday, January 17, 1961, accustomed us to accept unjust  wars, including wars without clearly stated goals and no true plans of what constituted victory, as just part of our daily lives. Consider again President Eisenhower's very prescient words:

Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small,there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research-these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.

But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs-balance between the private and the public economy, balance between cost and hoped for advantage-balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between action of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration.

The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. I mention two only.

A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.

Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peace time, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.

Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.

This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence-economic, political, even spiritual-is felt in every city, every state house, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.

In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.

We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together. (Dwight D. Eisenhower -- Farewell Address.)

 

Although Eisenhower did not understand that the authentic security of one's nation is premised upon its subordination to the Social Reign of Christ the King as it must be exercised by the Catholic Church, placing him in concert with today's conciliar officials in the counterfeit conciliar church, the late president and former five star General of the United States Army did have a keen insight into the dangers posed by the rise of what he termed so accurately as the military-industrial complex, which thrives on the constant warfare that former President George Walker Bush and his advisers envisioned as "necessary" to "secure" this country and "liberate" other peoples. The precepts of the Just War Theory demand that military force be used as a last resort in situations when there is a real and legitimate threat to a nation's security and/or in situations where justice has been so disturbed internationally that the only recourse to defend one's nation and/or to restore justice is military force.

The judgment to use military force, which is supposed to be governed in the United States of America by a declaration of war passed by both Houses of the Congress of the United State, in such situations must take into account many factors, including whether the good end sought will be outweighed by the foreseen evil to be done in the prosecution of military action. Even the best efforts to protect noncombatants from injury and death will fail. Bombs go astray. Noncombatants might be misidentified accidentally as combatants. Soldiers make mistakes in the field of combat. War carries with it terrible consequences, which is why the Catholic Church has taught from time immemorial that every step be taken to assure, as far as is humanly possible in this fallen world, that noncombatants are indemnified and that the damage done to a country's infrastructure and food supply does not create worse conditions that are meant to be redressed by the use of military force.

The chaos wrought by the unjust and immoral invasion of Iraq by the armed forces of the United States of America on March 19, 2003, has taken the lives of over 4,483 American service personnel needlessly and opened up Iraq's borders, which were controlled very tightly by the late dictator Saddam Hussein, to all kinds of Mohammedan terrorists bent on fomenting violence among Iraq's fractious Mohammedan sects and upon American military personnel and civilians based in that country. While the violence has abated somewhat in the past few years, the situation in Iraq continues to be violent and unstable. Indeed, more American troops were killed last six months ago, in June of 2011, than in any one month since 2008. And left mostly unreported in most of the "mainstream" media are the continued attacks upon Eastern Rite Catholics (and members of various Orthodox sects) in Iraq since the American invasion in 2003 (see Go Tell Iraq's Catholics--and American Babies--About The "Lesser of Two Evils", As Blind Now As He As Always Been and More Catholic Blood Flows from the "Religion of Peace".)

Once again, however, we are faced with "end" to the Iraq War, although former President George Walker Bush pronounced the "end" of the war with his "mission accomplished" speech onboard the U.S.S. Lincoln on May 1, 2003:

 

Today, we have the greater power to free a nation by breaking a dangerous and aggressive regime. With new tactics and precision weapons, we can achieve military objectives without directing violence against civilians. No device of man can remove the tragedy from war; yet it is a great moral advance when the guilty have far more to fear from war than the innocent. (Applause.)

In the images of celebrating Iraqis, we have also seen the ageless appeal of human freedom. Decades of lies and intimidation could not make the Iraqi people love their oppressors or desire their own enslavement. Men and women in every culture need liberty like they need food and water and air. Everywhere that freedom arrives, humanity rejoices; and everywhere that freedom stirs, let tyrants fear. (Applause.)

We have difficult work to do in Iraq. We're bringing order to parts of that country that remain dangerous. We're pursuing and finding leaders of the old regime, who will be held to account for their crimes. We've begun the search for hidden chemical and biological weapons and already know of hundreds of sites that will be investigated. We're helping to rebuild Iraq, where the dictator built palaces for himself, instead of hospitals and schools. And we will stand with the new leaders of Iraq as they establish a government of, by, and for the Iraqi people. (Applause.)

The transition from dictatorship to democracy will take time, but it is worth every effort. Our coalition will stay until our work is done. Then we will leave, and we will leave behind a free Iraq. (Applause.)

The battle of Iraq is one victory in a war on terror that began on September the 11, 2001 -- and still goes on. That terrible morning, 19 evil men -- the shock troops of a hateful ideology -- gave America and the civilized world a glimpse of their ambitions. They imagined, in the words of one terrorist, that September the 11th would be the "beginning of the end of America." By seeking to turn our cities into killing fields, terrorists and their allies believed that they could destroy this nation's resolve, and force our retreat from the world. They have failed. (Applause.)

In the battle of Afghanistan, we destroyed the Taliban, many terrorists, and the camps where they trained. We continue to help the Afghan people lay roads, restore hospitals, and educate all of their children. Yet we also have dangerous work to complete. As I speak, a Special Operations task force, led by the 82nd Airborne, is on the trail of the terrorists and those who seek to undermine the free government of Afghanistan. America and our coalition will finish what we have begun. (Applause.)

From Pakistan to the Philippines to the Horn of Africa, we are hunting down al Qaeda killers. Nineteen months ago, I pledged that the terrorists would not escape the patient justice of the United States. And as of tonight, nearly one-half of al Qaeda's senior operatives have been captured or killed. (Applause.)

The liberation of Iraq is a crucial advance in the campaign against terror. We've removed an ally of al Qaeda, and cut off a source of terrorist funding. And this much is certain: No terrorist network will gain weapons of mass destruction from the Iraqi regime, because the regime is no more. (Applause.) (End of Major Combat in Iraq.)

 

What about the network of terror and death and destruction that exists in this nation's abortuaries and hospitals?

As has been noted in other articles on this site, Saddam Hussein was a brutal thug who liquidated political and ethnic opponents at will. He did, however, maintain a sense of order in Iraq, protecting the Christian minority there for a variety of reasons, one of them most admittedly having to do with his own self-interest. The neoconservative geniuses who planned the invasion of Iraq by exploiting the events of September 11, 2001, and by manufacturing "evidence" to "prove" that Hussein was stockpiling "weapons of mass destruction" that he had long before destroyed (or had used after having been supplied them by the United States of America in the Iran-Iraq War and then on the Kurds in northern Iraq in 1991 after the conclusion of the so-called "Gulf War") believed in their delusions that an American invasion would usher in an American-style pluralist democratic republic. It never dawned on these bright lights, many of whom, shall we say, deny the Sacred Divinity of Our Blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, that an American invasion would go bad or that a "liberated" Iraq would make it easier for various Mohammedan sects to wreak violence upon Catholics. The flight of over a quarter of million of Iraqi Catholics from their homeland since the American invasion in 2003 has been one of the most tragic consequences of the neoconservatives' efforts to build a "better world," principally, as they saw it, for the security of the State of Israel, by means of the "enlightenment" provided by a quick war prosecuted with advanced technologies

Finally, however, we are supposed to be believe that the Iraq War is over as result of the withdrawal of the last remaining American troops:

 

BAGHDAD — At a crowded market in the city center here, the flotsam of the war is for sale. Ripped Fuel workout supplement. Ready-to-eat meals, macaroni-and-cheese “Mexican style.” Pistol holsters. Nothing seems off limits to the merchants out for a quick dinar, not even a bottle of prescription pills from a pharmacy in Waco, Tex., probably tossed out by a departing soldier.

The concrete blast walls that shielded the shopping stalls have lately come down. Since then, three explosions have struck the market, killing several people.

“This will be an easy target for car bombs,” said Muhammad Ali, a merchant who lost two brothers during the cruelest times of the conflict. “People will die here.”

After nearly nine years, some 4,500 American fatalities and about $1 trillion, America’s war in Iraq is about to end. Officials marked the finish Thursday with a modest ceremony at the airport days before the last troops traverse the southern highway to Kuwait, going out as they came in, to conclude the United States’ most ambitious and bloodiest military campaign since Vietnam.

Iraqis will be left with a country that is not exactly at war, and not exactly at peace. It has improved in many ways since the 2007 troop “surge,” but it is still a shattered country marred by violence and political dysfunction, a land defined on sectarian lines whose future, for better or worse, is now in the hands of its people.

“It is the end for the Americans only,” Emad Risn, an Iraqi columnist, recently wrote in the pages of Assabah al-Jadeed, a government-funded newspaper. “Nobody knows if the war will end for Iraqis, too.”

Iraq will be on its own to find its place in a region upended by revolutions and to manage its rivalry with Iran, which will look to expand its influence culturally and economically in the power vacuum left by the United States military. While American officials worry about the close political ties between Iraq’s Shiite leadership and Iran, the picture at the grass-roots level is more nuanced. Iraqis complain about shoddy Iranian consumer goods — they frequently mention low-quality yogurts and cheeses — and the menacing role of Iranian-backed militias, which this year killed many American soldiers.

The Iranian rivalry frequently plays out in the Shiite holy city of Najaf, where Iraq’s religious authorities are headquartered. Iran, which like Iraq is majority Shiite, recently installed one of its leading clerics in Najaf, raising worries that Iran is trying to spread its brand of clerical rule to Iraq. Meanwhile, Moktada al-Sadr, the anti-American cleric with very close ties to Iran, has recently said that with the military withdrawal, American diplomats are now fair game for his militiamen.

Iraq faces a multitude of vexing problems the Americans tried and failed to resolve, from how to divide the country’s oil wealth to sectarian reconciliation to the establishment of an impartial justice system. A long-standing dispute festers in the north over how to share power in Kirkuk between Arabs, Kurds and Turkmen, an ominous harbinger for power struggles that may ensue in a post-America Iraq. A recent deal between Exxon Mobil and the Kurdistan government has been deemed illegal by Baghdad in the absence of procedures for sharing the country’s oil resources.

We are in a standstill and things are paralyzed,” said Adel Abdul Mahdi, a prominent Shiite politician and former vice president of Iraq, describing the process of political reconciliation between Iraq’s three main factions, Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds. “We are going from bad to worse.”

A surprising number of Iraqis refuse to believe the Americans are really leaving, the effect of a conspiratorial mindset developed over years living under the violent and repressive dictatorship of Saddam Hussein, and a view of history informed by the Crusades, colonialism and other perceived injustices at the hands of the West.

Rani Basil, who drives a taxi in the capital, said, “Iraq will be a great place if the U.S. withdraws,” but he does not believe they will. “I do not think the United States will leave Iraq, because they are about to attack Iran,” he said. (Ravaged and Remade, Iraq Is on Its Own as U.S. Ends War.)

The Iraqis know more about the truth of their country than do most Americans, diverted by bread and circuses into thinking that the unjust and immoral American invasion and occupation of Iraq has made this country "free" and planted the seedlings of a "vibrant democracy."

Nearly a trillion of American taxpayer dollars have been spent thus far to buy the arms that destroyed Iraq's infrastructure and to fight the armed resistance against the invasion and occupation while at the same time attempting to put down a civil war among Iraq's Mohammedans. Billions more have been spent rebuilding the infrastructure that was destroyed by "coalition" munitions, a rebuilding effort that has been characterized by sloth and incompetence that have left millions of ordinary Iraqis without basic services (water, electricity, sanitary facilities, housing). American corporations and private contractors, at least one of which was hired to engage in "enhanced interrogation" methods (read: torture), and individual American entrepreneurs with ties to the administration of former President George Walker Bush have been the real beneficiaries of all this while almost nothing has been done to alleviate the suffering of the nearly three-quarters of a million Catholics who have stayed in Iraq, to say nothing of the plight of those who left the country to go into exile, forfeiting their homes to Mohammedan mobs who are grateful now to be rid of the "infidels" once and for all.

For what? For what? For the prospect of yet a major war in the Middle East that will, despite the judgment of some "experts," result in a confrontation between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics--excuse me, Russia? (See Power Shifts Push Mideast Closer to War.) Mohammedans who take their blasphemous false religion seriously are on the ascent in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Bahrain, Yemen and Syria. The nation that controls almost the entirety of American military policy in the Middle East, Israel, will sit still if such a war breaks out. A world where Christ is not King and Our Lady is not honor as Queen is one where men, steeped in one error after another, will war against each other because they are war with God by means of their unrepentant sins. We will live in a world of endless wars that will make the "just ended" American occupation of Iraq and the ongoing "global war on terror" that is taking place in Afghanistan and Pakistan seem like mere skirmishes in comparison.

Remember these words of Pope Pius XI, contained in his first encyclical letter, Ubi Arcano Consilio, December 23, 1922:

 

There exists an institution able to safeguard the sanctity of the law of nations. This institution is a part of every nation; at the same time it is above all nations. She enjoys, too, the highest authority, the fullness of the teaching power of the Apostles. Such an institution is the Church of Christ. She alone is adapted to do this great work, for she is not only divinely commissioned to lead mankind, but moreover, because of her very make-up and the constitution which she possesses, by reason of her age-old traditions and her great prestige, which has not been lessened but has been greatly increased since the close of the War, cannot but succeed in such a venture where others assuredly will fail.

It is apparent from these considerations that true peace, the peace of Christ, is impossible unless we are willing and ready to accept the fundamental principles of Christianity, unless we are willing to observe the teachings and obey the law of Christ, both in public and private life. If this were done, then society being placed at last on a sound foundation, the Church would be able, in the exercise of its divinely given ministry and by means of the teaching authority which results therefrom, to protect all the rights of God over men and nations.

It is possible to sum up all We have said in one word, "the Kingdom of Christ." For Jesus Christ reigns over the minds of individuals by His teachings, in their hearts by His love, in each one's life by the living according to His law and the imitating of His example. Jesus reigns over the family when it, modeled after the holy ideals of the sacrament of matrimony instituted by Christ, maintains unspotted its true character of sanctuary. In such a sanctuary of love, parental authority is fashioned after the authority of God, the Father, from Whom, as a matter of fact, it originates and after which even it is named. (Ephesians iii, 15) The obedience of the children imitates that of the Divine Child of Nazareth, and the whole family life is inspired by the sacred ideals of the Holy Family. Finally, Jesus Christ reigns over society when men recognize and reverence the sovereignty of Christ, when they accept the divine origin and control over all social forces, a recognition which is the basis of the right to command for those in authority and of the duty to obey for those who are subjects, a duty which cannot but ennoble all who live up to its demands. Christ reigns where the position in society which He Himself has assigned to His Church is recognized, for He bestowed on the Church the status and the constitution of a society which, by reason of the perfect ends which it is called upon to attain, must be held to be supreme in its own sphere; He also made her the depository and interpreter of His divine teachings, and, by consequence, the teacher and guide of every other society whatsoever, not of course in the sense that she should abstract in the least from their authority, each in its own sphere supreme, but that she should really perfect their authority, just as divine grace perfects human nature, and should give to them the assistance necessary for men to attain their true final end, eternal happiness, and by that very fact make them the more deserving and certain promoters of their happiness here below.

It is, therefore, a fact which cannot be questioned that the true peace of Christ can only exist in the Kingdom of Christ -- "the peace of Christ in the Kingdom of Christ." It is no less unquestionable that, in doing all we can to bring about the re-establishment of Christ's kingdom, we will be working most effectively toward a lasting world peace. (Pope Pius XI, Ubi Arcano Dei Consilio, December 23, 1922.)

We must, therefore, bear the cross with joy and gratitude in this time of chastisement, recognizing that the errors of Modernity in the world and those of Modernism in the counterfeit church of conciliarism are intertwined with each other as but similar manifestations of the errors of Russia (see Conversion of Russia Update). We have much to suffer for our own sins. We must suffer well as we place not our trust in the princes of naturalism in this world or the princes of false "reconciliation" and "dialogue" with false religions in the counterfeit church of conciliarism. We must place our trust in the Immaculate Heart of Mary as we give this heart, out which the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus was formed, all of the sufferings of the present moment so that she can present whatever merit we earn from patiently and lovingly enduring them to the Throne of the Most Blessed Trinity.

 

Catholicism is the one and only foundation of social order. You have heard this before? You will keep hearing until the day I die or the day that I am unable to continue work on this site as a result of physical and/or mental infirmity, whichever shall first occur (and I realize that some of you believe that the latter condition obtains at the present time). Catholicism is the only and only foundation of personal and social order. Period. It is Catholicism alone that men and their nations are reconciled to Christ the King through the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary our Queen, who has given us Heaven's Peace Plan, her Fatima Message, as the means by which the errors of Russia, which are the the errors of Modernity in the world and of Modernism in the counterfeit church of conciliarism.

We must, therefore, enfold ourselves into the love of the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary and the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus as we make reparation for our own many sins, which are so responsible for the worsening of the state of the Church Militant on earth and of the world-at-large, as we seek to restore all things in Christ the King and Mary our Immaculate Queen, praying as many Rosaries each day as our state-in-life permits.

Isn't it time to pray a Rosary now?

 

Our Lady of Fatima, pray for us!

Vivat Christus Rex! Viva Cristo Rey!

Saint Joseph, pray for us.

Saints Peter and Paul, pray for us.

Saint John the Baptist, pray for us.

 

Saint John the Evangelist, pray for us.

Saint Michael the Archangel, pray for us.

Saint Gabriel the Archangel, pray for us.

Saint Raphael the Archangel, pray for us.

Saints Joachim and Anne, pray for us.

Saints Caspar, Melchior, and Balthasar, pray for us.

Saint Eusebius, pray for us.

See also: A Litany of Saints

 





© Copyright 2011, Thomas A. Droleskey. All rights reserved.